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Archived
Reviews
Art in
New York - Vincent van Gogh's Letters to Emile Bernard at the Morgan Library
Art in New York - Apocalypse Then - The Las Huelgas Beatus Manuscript at the Morgan Library
Art in
New York - Landscapes from the Age of Impressionism at the Brooklyn Museum
Art in
New York - Masterpieces of European Painting from the Cleveland Museum of Art at the Frick
to January 28, 2007
Art in
New York - Raphael's Sant'Antonio di Padova Altarpiece at the Met
to September 4, 2006
Art in
New York - Napoleon on the Nile at the Dahesh
to September 3, 2006
Art in
New York - Veronese at the Frick Collection
July 16, 2006
Art in
New York - The Morgan Library, reopened
Art in
New York - Edvard Munch: The Modern Life of the Soul
to May 8, 2006
Art in
New York - Antonello da Messina; Sicily's Renaissance Master
to March 5, 2006
Art in
New York - Hans Memling Portraits
October 12, 2005 to December 31, 2005
>Art in
New York - The Splendor of the Word
October 21, 2005 to February 12, 2006
Art in
Paris - Anne-Louis Girodet at the Louvre
to 2 January 2006
Art in
Paris - Neo-impressionism
March 15 to July 10, 2005
Art in Paris - Vienna 1900
October 3, 2005 to January 23, 2006
Art in Paris - Ingres at the Louvre
to May 23, 2006
Art in
Paris - le Douanier Rousseau at the Grand Palais
to October 15, 2006
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Art Reviews and Opinions |
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Art in
New York - Vincent van Gogh's Letters to Emile Bernard at the Morgan Library
Sometimes a
small show is such a dud it makes you feel cheated. You needn’t have bothered to travel the distance or to spend the
money. Sometimes a small show is such a
well-constructed multi-faceted gem that you find yourself exhilarated even part
way through your visit. Fortunately,
the Morgan Library and Museum has given us a jewel and not a dud.
If you come to
the exhibition “Painted with Words: Vincent van Gogh’s Letters to Émile
Bernard” expecting to see several glass cases filled with van Gogh’s letters,
written in French and in small, mostly tidy script, you won’t be disappointed;
they are there. But you are also
greeted with oil paintings and a worldwide sampling of pen and ink drawings
that pull together the strands of van Gogh’s relationship with Bernard.
It is not
certain how the two men met but the likeliest scenario has them crossing paths
at the paint shop of Père Tanguy in Paris.
When van Gogh left Paris for Arles at the end of 1888 the letters to
Bernard began in earnest. Fortunately
for posterity, with Bernard in Paris and van Gogh in Provence, the threat of
intimacy was removed and van Gogh could freely share his thoughts, ideas,
dreams and disappointments. The letters
became a forum for van Gogh to expound on art and artists, subjects of mutual
interest to the younger painter. In the
show, we get to see Bernard’s paintings, mostly known to van Gogh through
description, and we get to compare van Gogh’s drawings to little reproductions
of his paintings. No matter that
they’re really tiny – the paintings are so familiar you’ll revel in the chance
to understand the relationship.
There are
twenty-two letters, nineteen of which were acquired and given to the Morgan in
2001. They were originally published, as a group, by Ambroise Vollard in
1911. Now they have been collated and
translated with the help of several Dutch scholars from the van Gogh Museum in
Amsterdam who, with curators from the Morgan, have produced a catalogue that is
a marvel of scholarship. The catalogue
also provides facsimiles of the letters as well as a free-ranging examination
of the works referred to by van Gogh.
The reasons behind the choice of the catalogue’s illustrations are not
always immediately evident but inevitably they are integrated with the text and
with the annotations that accompany each of the translations.
The show itself
is installed in one room on the ground floor of the original library
building. The didactic labels are not
only informative but are placed at a level that makes them legible without
undue strain on either your eyes or your back. On your immediate left as you
enter the exhibition are booklets that contain translations of the
letters. You can take one and refer to
it as you examine the letters displayed in the center of the room.
On the wall next to the booklets is
an unfinished Self-portrait by van Gogh, from the van Gogh Museum in
Amsterdam, done in the post-impressionist/elongated-pointillist technique he
affected in 1888. It deftly
demonstrates the limitations of that technique when applied to portraiture and
van Gogh is forced to all but abandon it for the depiction of his face and
eyes. The lack of completion also lets
us see that the eyes, with their intense penetrating gaze, are clearly the
focus of the work.
The adjacent Portrait
of Emile Bernard, painted by Henri Toulouse-Lautrec, is a serious
non-caricature portrait of a man who appears to eschew the focused intensity of
van Gogh. In fact, Bernard as a
card-carrying member of the school of Point Aven, is much more an artistic
bedfellow of Gauguin than of van Gogh.
This is made clear with the first landscape by Bernard that shows the
countryside around Asnières and is painted in broad color fields outlined in
black, much in the style of Gauguin.
A comparison of
the portrait of Bernard’s Grand-mother of 1887, (VG, Amsterdam) to Van
Gogh’s Portrait of an Old Woman, which hangs next to it, provides a good
demonstration of their varied approaches to the portrait. Bernard averts the old woman’s face whereas
van Gogh confronts her in a full-frontal view.
Neither artist gives his dour old woman enough room to live as both use
a patterned background that flattens space.
Both make reference to a bed, that in Bernard’s interpretation is large
and includes an over-inflated down comforter, but in van Gogh’s is a nearly
two-dimensional cutout inserted at the side of the picture.
Despite the
lack of interest in perspective in the portrait, van Gogh’s Orchard with
CyprusTrees on loan from the Kröller-Müller Museum in Otterlo, shows the
artist’s continued interest in perspectival rendering of space. In this landscape done in pleine aire, he
uses several effects to render recession into space convincingly; note the road
that moves into space, the row of trees parallel to that road, and finally the
ladder that lies on the ground in a perfect Brunelleschian rendition of
so-called scientific perspective.
The long back
wall of the exhibition space is, for the most part, given over to
drawings. They are not just from the
Morgan’s collection but from private hands, and other well known holders of van
Gogh’s oeuvre: the Met, the Kröller-Müller, and the Pushkin Museum to name a
few. Here is where you will find the
small color illustrations of van Gogh’s paintings as they relate to some of the
drawings in the exhibition. The
presence of these little color thumb-nails opens up the narrow confines of the
show and is decidedly an aid to our understanding of the importance that the
artist placed on drawing. Some drawings
were done prior to the oils and some as répétitions, or repeat-copies,
after the paintings, often mailed off to his brother or to friends like
Bernard, to show what he had painted most recently.
The paintings
by Bernard, at the end of this back wall and over to their right, were done
during the initial period of the correspondence between the artists. The paintings of the Breton peasant women
were much admired by van Gogh no doubt in great part because peasant subjects
were dear to him. The larger Madeleine
in the Bois d’Amour of 1888 was Bernard’s attempt to take on Gauguin
subject matter, i.e., Woman in Nature, and bring it back to cosmopolitan
France. No nude classical statuary-type
woman, no nude native girl but a totally femme bourgeoise, his sister no
less, posed in a Pont-Aven or Parisian banlieue landscape.
Two final van
Goghs, the first, a Landscape at St-Rémy from Indianapolis’ Museum of
Art, shows the familiar view of the fields that surrounded the sanitarium and
hospital. The whole surface is three-dimensional
and in motion, so unlike Bernard’s flat style of calmly applied thinned
colors. The second, The Olive Trees,
from the National Gallery of Scotland in Edinburgh, is an example of the
artist’s final style. It continues the
impasto application of paint with large color swipes of the brush but now he
adds a swooping curvilinear depiction of the gnarled branches of the olive
trees.
With all of
this beautiful art on the walls you mustn’t forget to look at the letters in
the center of the room for they are, after all, at the center of this
exhibition. I know I’ve spent more time
on the art than the letters but you can compensate by reading the catalogue
where the focus is more on the letters.
However you choose to slice it, this is a van Gogh show well worth your
time, and your money.
Until
January 6, 2008, at the Morgan Library & Museum; 225 Madison Avenue at 36th
Street
Hours: Tuesday through Thursday,
10:30 a.m. to 5 p.m.
Friday, 10:30 a.m. to 9 p.m.
Saturday, 10 a.m. to 6 p.m.
Sunday, 11 a.m. to 6 p.m.
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Art in
New York - Apocalypse Then - The Las Huelgas Beatus Manuscript at the Morgan Library
Before horror films could give you sleepless
nights, before LSD could make you hallucinate, way before we’d
grown cynical about dragons, angels, and fiery apparitions in
the sky, there was the Book of Revelation. The
final book in the New Testament, probably written near the end
of the first century, probably by John the Evangelist, who was
most probably given to visions and imagining events inspired by
his reading of the Old Testament and his own vivid imagination.
His
descriptions of the coming events at the end of time were
written in an era when the return of Christ and the Last
Judgment were still held to be imminent.
It was not a stretch to believe in the reality of the
seven-headed dragon, or the woman clothed in the sun.
To make the meaning of the book of Revelation clear you have to get into
the text which, of course, is just what happened when Beatus of
Liébana put his mind to work on writing a commentary on it. An eighth-century monk who lived in northern Spain,
Beatus compiled commentaries by the Fathers of the Church as
they related to the Last Things, known in theological circles as
Eschatology. We do
not know when his commentaries first acquired pictures but by
the 10th century, the date of our earliest such
manuscript, they had found a painter with artistic sympathies
that reverberated with those of the first-century writer of the
original text. Imbued
with the local Mozarabic artistic tradition, he put pen and
brush to parchment and set down our current Ur-version of a
series of illuminations meant to bring clarity and immediacy to
the text. Of course
the only people who would have seen this text were literate
monks for whom the descriptions of the end of time were already
vivid. Certainly
these illuminations would have solidified their apprehensions.
The Morgan Library owns two of the
thirteen Beatus Manuscripts extant. In
this current exhibition we have the good fortune to be able to
examine multiple folios of one of them, their M. 429, the
Las Huelgas manuscript, because the manuscript was unbound, in
order to create a facsimile.
Facsimile manuscripts are a wonderful resource and a
boon to researchers interested in the study of manuscripts.
First, they save wear and tear and preserve the condition
of the original as there’s little need to consult the original
once there’s an accurate copy.
Secondly, libraries all over the world can own the
facsimile and so art historians in Madrid, as well as in
California can consult the manuscript by way of the copy.
That too is a research aid and saves wear and tear on the
researchers who don’t need to travel.
Unlike copies produced by hand in medieval scriptoria, there’s
no room for errata in a photographically generated copy. On
the other hand, I was surprised to note that fol.22 in the
facsimile is not a faithful copy of the manuscript as seen in
its twenty-first century condition exhibited on the wall here.
The facsimile has restored the silver and gold foil to
the seven candlesticks illustrated on that folio.
I would venture that the facsimile’s restoration
was a deliberate choice. But
why not restore the manuscript itself?
We regild horses, see General Sherman’s on Fifth Avenue
and 60th Street, we add feet and shoulders to bronze
statues, see the huge bronze of Trebonianus Gallus at the Met,
and we repaint slashed and acid-splashed canvases, see Rembrandt’s
Night Watch.
Why don’t we refurbish manuscripts?
Is this a decision on the part of the Conservation Dept
at the Morgan or is this by international agreement?
The manuscript show is in the original library building, through
the doors to your right opposite the admissions desk. All
the illustrated folios are not displayed but enough of them are
for you to get a good idea of the tradition of illumination out
of which these grew. But, before you begin to look at the
separated folios, displayed in clock-wise order around the room,
you should look at the open facsimile directly opposite the
entry door.
It gives you a good idea of the original size of the
manuscript and will give you a good feel for the way in which
these pictures were integrated with the text.
You will note that many of them are full-page
illustrations and so are not immediately related to any text.
But as you will see in the quotes from the Book of
Revelation on the didactic labels, the illustrations are
dependent on the descriptions of the visions of St. John as
given in the biblical text. One such
example is in the glass case against the back wall, where you
will see the double-folio illumination of the Woman clothed in
the Sun and the Defeat of the Seven-headed Dragon. Click on Folio
101v-102 and see it on your screen.
The text describes The Woman clothed in the Sun with
the moon under her feet and a twelve-starred crown on her head.
In this illustration “the woman” stands in the upper
left corner, the moon at her feet.
Before her she sees a seven headed, ten horned, red
dragon with seven diadems. This dragon stretches across the
center of the two folios. Her son is taken to God at his
throne, which scene we see in the upper right hand corner.
The dragon is thrown to earth and the woman given
wings to escape to the desert, which is where we see her at
the left. The early
thirteenth-century painter of the Las Huelgas folios is
decidedly bound to the earlier tradition from which he copied
his image. He
painted in a style that goes back to the tenth century, when the
earliest of the Beatus manuscripts probably was illustrated.
What unites these Spanish recensions is evident in M.429:
·
the
use of bright unmodulated colors
·
The
presence of geometric sections – colored squares, colored
bands, colored circles.
·
The
use of outlines for all the figures
·
The
absence of modeling
·
The
total rejection of space and three-dimensionality as part of the
illustration
The
continuity and change within this tradition can be seen in a
Beatus manuscript, Add.
Ms.11695 from around 1100 now in the collection of the
British Library. Still
prone to bright colors in geometric compartments this Woman
clothed in the sun cannot be measured for caloric output.
She is a cool cipher with a geometrically designed
disk for a sun. The
presentation of her son before the throne of God is now in a
rectangular framed image and multitudes of angels have
disappeared while the dragon is spread out over additional
space. It’s
clearer, cooler, and more to the point.
The earlier version is expressive, freer, and less
controlled. Another place to see
continuity within change is in the comparison of two folios from
the Beatus manuscripts owned by the Morgan: 86v,
from M.644, from the tenth century, and 61v from the Morgan’s
429, painted two hundred and seventy-five years later. The
early image of the Vision of the Lamb of God is in the glass
case near the middle of the room while the later version is on
the right hand wall. The
stylistic dependency and continuity is just as described in the
bullet points above, but the strict symmetry of the earlier
image is destroyed by the liberty taken by the
thirteenth-century painter (an image unfortunately unavailable
on the internet). He
has inserted the image of the enthroned Christ and thereby
displaced the image of Luke and disturbed the symmetry of the
earlier image. Also
different is that the enthroned symbolic representations of the
evangelists in the earlier manuscript have become standing
images of the evangelists themselves.
The circular composition derives from the origin of the four
symbols of the four evangelists, that is their description in
the Old Testament Book of Ezekiel: the wheel in the wheel next
to the four living creatures, who prefigure the four
evangelists. It is also fascinating
to observe the use of architecture within the self-imposed
stylistic rules of the Mozarabic artistic tradition.
A complete denial of space, the use of strong black
outlines and bright primary and secondary colors, would mandate
that any three-dimensional structure (a building, a city gate, a
tower) must become a flat pattern filled with color.
That is exactly what you see throughout the manuscript.
A favorite of mine is the image of the city of Heavenly
Jerusalem shown as if from above, all four city walls splayed
out against the page as if you could see one wall at a time from
inside the heavenly city.
You can see the general idea in the tenth-century Morgan
Beatus Manuscript’s image of Heavenly Jerusalem.
If you are not familiar with Romanesque manuscript illumination,
this show offers you the seldom available opportunity to see one
manuscript in depth rather than only two folios in a series of
different open codices.
It also gives you a chance to practice your skills of
connoisseurship because you can assess the scholarly opinion
that detects three hands at work on the illustrations, that is
three different monks who painted this manuscript.
Another two or three were involved in copying the text, a
task that probably took near to a year.
This is not a large exhibition but it is one worthy of your
attention.
The illustrations are quite unlike most that you will
have seen but once observed, they exude a style you will
recognize forever more.
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Art in
New York - Landscapes from the Age of Impressionism at the Brooklyn Museum
The
Brooklyn Museum is out to get you, to get you to come in and
look around that is. It is definitively worth your while to travel out to Eastern
Parkway on the 2 or 3 train to look at the re-installed
permanent collection of American Art on the Fifth floor; more
about that another time. But
right now there is a treat in store for you in the Ground Floor
galleries, a temporary exhibition called Landscapes from the
Age of Impressionism.
The
title tells you two things: these are all paintings of the
out-of-doors and not all of them are Impressionist paintings.
What the name does not give away is that the show is
relatively small (forty-one pictures in all) and that all the
works come from the collection of the museum itself.
The show then is a mini-history of the Brooklyn
Museum’s acquisitions and gifts in this genre, most obtained
in the course of the early twentieth century.
Americans
were great collectors of landscape painting.
We had our own indigenous brand in the Hudson River
School but after the Civil War moneyed collectors discovered the
glories of the French Barbizon painters such as Millet,
Rousseau, and borderline Barbizonists like Harpignies.
The French paintings held a certain caché and were as
easily understood as any American version.
After all, a vision of nature is easily understood and
can be appreciated without a classical education.
It won’t call upon the visionary, spiritual, or
transcendental sentiments found in religious paintings that were
nearly anathema to American collectors.
A nice meadow, some water, pretty, fluffy clouds, are all
a sure fire guarantee to put a smile on your face as you easily
slip into the landscape the way you put on a comfortable
well-worn shoe after standing on your feet all day.
That’s
rather the way you may feel when you see this show.
The beautiful purples and bravura technique of Sargent,
the bright and sunny days of Monet, the beaches of Boudin, the
flowers of Childe Hassam and Theodore Robinson who hold up the
American end of the Age along with J.Alden Weir.
Everything’s happy in the Age of Impressionism.
But is that entirely true?
Industry is the dirty little secret of this age; it’s
going to be included in the landscape, miniaturized or magnified
and incorporated into the picture as if it had always belonged
in the midst of a landscape.
One
of the best examples of the latter is a painting new to the
museum, and new to me, which entered the collection in 1999,
Gustave Caillebotte’s “Railroad Bridge at Argenteil”,
dated about 1885-87. The
powerful pillars that support the bridge and their reflection in
the water are the main focus of the painting.
Caillebotte must have pulled this large canvas out to the
edge of the water so he could set it up to paint.
It’s the perfect late French Impressionist landscape
that incorporates water, reflections, shadows, all rendered in
the broken brushstroke that depends on your eye and cerebral
cortex, optical nerve and retina to render it whole. As a case in point, follow the tracks away from the bridge
until you find the approaching train.
Look closely at the steam that is emitted by the oncoming
engine. When you
approach, the engine disappears into a series of navy blue
horizontal lines and the smoke begins to look like Chinese
calligraphy.
Next
to this canvas is a smaller painting by the American J.Alden
Weir, a picture of the “Willimantic Thread Factory” done in
1893. Weir does not
use Caillebotte’s broken brush stroke but he too takes as his
subject matter an industrial construction imposed onto our
modern landscape. Where
Constable would use a church to center a landscape, Weir uses
the “nave” of a factory building, creating his own cathedral
of commerce.
The
artistic perimeters of the age of Impressionism are set out in
the first room of the exhibition.
Opposite the entry doors is a large painting by
Henri-Joseph Harpignies, “A Meadow in the Bourbonnais,
Morning”, 1876. The
view is across the water to a placid green and yellow
countryside filled with light and seen under a summer’s blue
sky. Harpignies is
very precise about the light in his painting.
We can judge by the light, and by the shadows, that the
sun is fairly high in the sky, to be even more precise, it must
be about 10:30 in the morning.
And
with all this precision there is hardly a brushstroke visible.
Only in the jottings in the foreground, that represent
flowers, or the white strokes of paint, that represent light
glinting off the top of a stone wall, can we see evidence of the
artist’s hand.
How
different this is from the Monet hanging to the left, which
depicts “Vernon in Sun”, 1894.
Monet’s is the only painting in this room that depicts
daylight as less than clear, and that gives us an obscured view
of the landscape across the water.
This should really be called “Vernon in Sun, the
Effects of Haze”. And
you will also see what Monet has done to make us experience the
haze. He scumbles
the paint so that there are no clear edges to any color, to any
brushstroke.
Unlike
Harpignies’ work, where shades of green predominate, Monet’s
is a painting of blues, pinks, and yellows.
Monet uses irrationally placed brushstrokes that cannot
be read up close. His
painting is a repudiation of the academic technique and the
mimetic training of the other artist.
In fact, that’s what this exhibition shows us, that the
Age of Impressionism was a moment of transition, a change from
the old guard to the new. It
is, over all, a triumph of the pretty.
Although
Landscapes from the Age of Impressionism is on view until May 13th,
do go to see this exhibition before the museum is over-run again
with the crowds that will come at the end of March for the
opening of the new Sackler Center for Feminist Art.
You’ll hear more about that from me in April.
Brooklyn
Museum, 200 Eastern Parkway, Brooklyn
Hrs: Wed-Fri
10-5; Sat/Sun 11-6
Sugg.
Contribution $8, 62 and older $4
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Art in
New York - Masterpieces of European Painting from the Cleveland Museum of Art at the Frick
Last Spring it seemed obvious enough, in these
quarters, that the Frick was up to something good.
Perhaps you may remember the suggestion that you join the Frick so
that for an annual fee of $60 ($90 for dual membership) you would be able to
enter as frequently as you wish. At
$15 for general admission, if you go four times.…well, the math is pretty
simple. Since May the Frick has
mounted Goya’s Last Works, Veronese’s Allegories, J-E Liotard,
Tiepolo Drawings, Cimabue and Trecento panel painting, and Masterpieces of
European Painting from the Cleveland Museum of Art.
That’s more than your money’s worth.
With this latest, Masterpieces of European Painting from the
Cleveland Museum of Art, you even save the airfare to Ohio.
Furthermore, you get to profit from the expertise of the curators at
the Frick, who have cherry-picked these fourteen “masterpieces” for the
pleasure of your viewing and in keeping with the works in their own
permanent collection. Unfortunately
they have been forced to hang the paintings where they have been able to
make room for them. So it is
that the larger seven canvases are in the small oval room at the far end of
the garden court and the remaining seven images are in the garden court
flanking the entrance to the larger exhibition space.
This makes for a few fortuitous pairings (Caravaggio and Georges de
La Tour on one wall and El Greco and Andrea Del Sarto on another).
But, for the most part, what you get to see are Spanish, Italian,
French, Dutch, and English paintings from the fifteenth to the
nineteenth-centuries, a mini-exhibition of some major gems.
It is hardly possible to choose among the pictures; almost without
exception they are wonderful examples of an artist’s work.
So I would counsel you to expect to spend at least forty-five minutes
with these fourteen pictures by Frans Hals, Nicolas Poussin, Filippo Lippi,
Annibale Carracci, Zurbaran, Valentin de Boulogne, and David.
That’s really all you need to know before you set off for East
Seventieth Street. However, if
you want a more in-depth walk-through, continue reading.
To
give you just a taste of what’s in store, begin, just outside the oval
room, where you will find the two Lippi panels, perfect examples of
Lippi’s mature style. These are gentle creatures, these saints beautifully rendered
in the bright colors of Lippi’s tempera paints, and with the even light
and the careful delineation of chiaroscuro so they are fully realized in
three dimensions. Both St.
Anthony Abbot and Saint Michael are in that strange walled space that Lippi
seized upon as the solution to the problem of how to deal with perspective
in the rendering of infinite space. He
blocked it off with a wall and let the sky speak for infinity.
It makes me sad to think that someone actually sawed through the wood
panel and created three images where once there was one grand composition of
the Madonna and Child flanked by these two saints.
One can only hope that somewhere, someday, this painting can be
restored to its original size and composition.
Almost four centuries later Joseph Mallord William Turner painted The
Burning of the Houses of Lords and Commons, around to your left from the
Lippis. This has none of the
gentle nature of Lippi’s religious art but rather the dramatic effect of a
terrifying current event witnessed by Turner from a vantage point on the
Thames. As is frequent in his
work, Turner has made light the focal point of the image.
Here it is not the setting or rising sun but the intense wind-blown
flames of the wooden buildings that burned out of control through the night
of October 16, 1834. The fire,
according to contemporary reports, began
by 6 in the evening, just as the sun would have been setting in mid-October.
The winds carried the fire from the House of Lords to the House of
Commons and it was only at 1:30 in the morning that the tide permitted the
arrival of fire-fighting equipment on the river.
The drama of the wind-swept flames, the intensity of the color and
the heat, are so vividly captured by Turner that you can sense the
undulations in the flames ascendant in the air, and in the reflections in
the water. Since the late
Titian, nobody has painted the light of a fire with the same intensity as
Turner when he captures the light in his golden yellows and oranges.
The Carracci and the Poussin are also pictures that deal with light
but without the dramatic effect of Turner’s fire-light.
Carracci captures the refraction of light as it passes through glass,
the wonderful Venetian cristello of Renaissance manufacture, and
Poussin uses light to emphasize the important figures in his composition and
to focus on the divine nature of light from the heavens.
The juxtaposition of Valentin de Boulogne’s Samson of 1630,
and Frans Hals’ Portrait of Tieleman Roosterman of 1634, hints at
the multiplicity of styles in European painting at that date and contrasts
the differences in approach to history painting and portraiture.
In both, the costume is essential to the depiction of the man, the
powerful physicality of the one and the richesse of the other. The dramatic lighting on Samson adds tension to the picture
but at the same time serves to obscure parts of the sitter’s face and
features. It is quite the
opposite with the Hals portrait where the details of the velvet doublet are
obscured while the face is clearly delineated.
The intensity of the sitter’s direct gaze is also an important
distinction between the two pictures. Roosterman
is in contact with the viewer in a way that is not part of the depiction of
the historical figure of Samson.
At the half-way point, and not even into the room with the larger
canvases, it seems unfair to stop with the simple admonition to go see the
show, so let me go on to tell you that the picture in the place of honor,
the Velazquez Portrait of the Jester Calabazas, seems an awkward
composition, oddly disproportionate (as was, apparently, the dwarf jester)
and with none of the colorism or bravura brushstroke that sets this artist
apart from other contemporary Spanish painters.
Calabazas’ extended right hand seems to rest on the base of the
pilaster but if that is the case how does the stool fit into the space
between the figure and the plinth on which the pilaster rests.
The whole picture seems oddly scrubbed, flattened, and lacking in the
intense oily glint more usual in this artist’s work. It seems the least
exciting of the works shown here.
On the other hand, Caravaggio’s Crucifixion of St. Andrew,
1606, is a bravura performance by this artist.
A potentially static picture of a crucified saint and a now=paralyzed
man who had sought to untie him, is enlivened by the twisted position of the
executioner on a ladder to the left, and the arc created by the saint’s
head as it leans to the right. The
equally off-frontal positioning of the witnesses who circle the foot of the
cross animates the scene. It
is, of course, the deep shadow in opposition to the focused light that
brings the importance to the act and the spirituality to our reaction.
Caravaggio taps into our empathy by making us feel the weariness of
the saint at the last moment of life; muscles still tensed, his eyes have
already begun to loose focus and to close.
St. Andrew was beloved and venerated in southern Italy particularly
since the saint’s body had been brought to Amalfi in the thirteenth
century as booty from the Crusades. In his self-imposed exile from Rome,
Caravaggio spent the last four years of his life shuttling between Naples,
Sicily, and Malta. Clearly he found time to work on commissions and this canvas
left Italy for Spain in 1610, onboard ship with the departing viceroy of
Naples, just days before the artist’s death.
Some thirty-five years later Georges de la Tour painted Saint
Peter Repentant, an image, which by its deep shadows and pointedly
focused areas of light, is clearly influenced by Caravaggio’s style.
As George de la Tour was a northern artist it is most likely that
Caravaggio’s influence was once removed and came through the Utrecht
school of tenebrists, the same source of influence on Rembrant. Note too that the artist is re-using the northern motif of
the falling tears first seen in fifteenth-century Netherlandish painting.
It adds up to a cool and calculated picture that contains much
symbolism and depicts emotion while it fails to elicit the same.
I would come to a similar conclusion for Christ and the Virgin in
the House in Nazareth, Zurbaran’s painting on the opposite wall –
much symbolism but little empathetic reaction.
On the opposite side of the door-way are paintings by Andera del
Sarto, The Sacrifice of Isaac, and El Greco, The Holy Family with
Mary Magdalen. Some fifty
years apart and divided by the expanse of the Mediterranean Sea, both
artists use compositions well establish in the fifteenth century. Andrea is
more naturalistic and El Greco is more stylized with figures that are
elongated and larger than life. The
comparison even holds for the flesh tones and the colors as El Greco whitens
the skin and visibly whitens the blue hues of the drapery and the sky.
If Andrea del Sarto is known as a Mannerist, a comparison of these
two pictures makes you realize the relativity of that label.
The last picture, but the one that may have grabbed your immediate
attention, is the painting of Cupid and Psyche by Jacques-Louis
David. Painted in 1817, it is
at least one hundred and seventy years newer than any of the pictures in
this room and the neo-classical style of clearly delineated figures that are
brightly lit and erotically entwined, makes this canvas stand apart. If you don’t know the story I hardly have to tell you
who’s doing what to whom, but it must get rather cumbersome with those big
wings on Cupid’s back and don’t they risk ruining that bow if he leaves
it propped up on the bed like that? This
is almost kiddie porn as these are not the faces, nor the bodies, of
consenting adults. According to doumentation the male model (an American)
was nineteen and the female (who posed separately) was seventeen.
Interestingly, it is not just
our twenty-first century sensibility that finds Cupid’s expression insipid
and perhaps even annoying. There
is contemporary commentary that refers to it as “the vacant grin of an
ideot [sic]…” and also to Cupid as one whose “…expression of
happiness has been rendered as no more than a cynical grimace”. It looks
more like a slimy sneer to me. But,
David must have known what he was doing because he knew of the patron’s
obsession with the myth and he knew what would please him.
With so specific an audience perhaps it should not surprise us that
we find it less pleasing; certainly competent, but not pleasing.
Nonetheless, this is a show to be savored and enjoyed.
It’s up at the Frick until the end of January 2007.
You will enjoy it. That’s a promise.
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Art in
New York - Raphael's Sant'Antonio di Padova Altarpiece at the Met
Of the three artists whose
styles are associated with the High Renaissance, Raphael is the easiest to
comprehend. He translated
Leonardo and Michelangelo into an easier language and became the beau
moyen between their extremes. At
least that’s one way to look at his work.
Another is to see him as a chameleon who adapted, or purloined, the
ideas of others for his own purposes, a plagiarist who freely took the
styles of others.
In that light, his work may be
divided into three periods within his short career of two decades, beginning
around 1500 in Perugia/Città di Castello and ending in 1520 when he died in
Rome. First there is the period
of Perugino and Pinturicchio, then the period of Leonardo, and finally the
period of Michelangelo. It’s
the earliest stage that is the focus of the exhibition at the Metropolitan,
concentrating on their own altarpiece by Raphael, painted around 1504-05
just as Raphael left Umbria for Tuscany and the artistic hotbed of Florence.
If you could make it there, well, you know the drill.
The young master, age 20,
apparently brought with him to Florence, a Perugian commission for an
altarpiece dedicated to Saint Anthony of Padua. Most probably at the request of the patron, a Franciscan
order of nuns from Padua known for their conservative views and values,
Raphael adhered to the fifteenth-century stylistic characteristics of
Perugino, an artist whose style he had already adopted.
Light footed, daintily posed figures with ovoid faces whose heads
incline gently towards one shoulder, stand passively or glide through the
still, vapid air. Ribbons
flutter to the side as angels lean towards the center of the picture and the
earth-bound figures stand before a landscape more interesting for its
atmospheric perspective than for any detail of the countryside.
The figures show little awareness of one another and never relate to
the viewer on our side of the picture plane.
This description could as easily be of a work by Perugino as of one
by the young Raphael.
As a case in point, look at
the full-length standing figures of saints by Perugino (cat. no. 24a, b) in
the first room on your left as you enter the exhibition. Their elegance and grace, small hands and feet and gentle
contapposto are definitive for Perugino’s style. The somewhat darker and denser Supulcrum Christi
(cat. no.22) hangs to the left of the two saints.
Here, Perugino has gone back to the original description of the
Entombment of Christ as given by St. John, where Joseph of Arimathaea and
Nicdodemus alone place Christ’s body in the tomb.
Perugino turns a narrative into an iconic image by eliminating any
action and showing Christ as if presenting him to us.
Nonetheless there is no awareness of the viewer and we are left to
contemplate the body of Christ on our own. Notice
too, the subtle depiction of the halos.
The thin gold lines are hardly visible and the cruciform halo of
Christ receives bare emphasis.
Also be sure to look at the
Madonna and Child by Pinturicchio (cat. no.27) that depicts Christ, no
longer an infant, standing next to his seated mother as he reads from a
prayer book proffered by her. This
is an intimate moment of prayer shared by mother and child.
Pinturicchio does not have his figures acknowledge our presence but
we participate in their prayers with our own.
As if to place this within the narrative context of the youth of
Christ, the artist has depicted the Flight into Egypt on the left,
tucked into the detailed northern-style landscape preferred by Pinturicchio.
The drawings in this room also
deserve your attention. Many of
them are studies by Raphael done in the early half of the first decade of
the sixteenth century. While
they do not relate directly to any of the paintings in the exhibition, they
do allow you to see his working technique, his choice of facial types, and
his artistic concerns when planning a composition.
The earlier drawings are mostly in pen and ink, which allows for less
nuanced shading than the later red chalk drawings.
Leonardo’s work in Florence may have influenced Raphael’s change
of medium.
Also in this first room are
two predella panels from an early altarpiece painted by Raphael, in 1502-03,
for a church in Città di Castello (cat. no. 2 a, b).
The altarpiece is now in London at the National Gallery and these two
panels reside in Lisbon and Raleigh North Carolina, respectively.
Gracefully posed figures seem proximate to one another, but not
interactive. Lightly shaded,
the figures seem feather-light, and they appear to be mere sketches or
studies in foreshortening or movement in need of further explication.
The fate of this 1502
altarpiece is the same as that suffered by the work at the center of this
exhibition, the Sant’Antonio di
Padova Altarpiece (aka the Colonna Altarpiece after a later owner).
It was dismantled in the seventeenth century to sell the predella
panels, and later sawed in two to separate the lunette from the square panel
below it. That said, this is
the first time since 1663 that the entire altarpiece is in the same room; in
the same room, but strangely enough, not reassembled, although there is a
mock-up of the reconstruction. Three
panels belong to the Met: the main panel with the enthroned Madonna and
Child and St. John, the lunette with God the Father, and the predella panel
of the Agony in the Garden.
The remaining panels are divided among two collections in London and
one in Boston.
A strange assortment they are
indeed. The main panel is a
formulaic sacra conversazione popular in Tuscany and Umbria as much
as seventy-five years earlier. Raphael’s
take on this theme is very interesting from a stylistic point of view as
well as from the point of view of some nuances in the iconography.
Stylistically, the image is somewhat schizoid. The three central figures and the two standing female saints
are stylistically consistent with Raphael’s early work, influenced by the
style of Perugino. But the two
standing male saints stand firmly rather than pose in balletic positions,
and are broad shouldered and larger than his usual male figures. Furthermore, the figure on the right, St. Paul, casts a heavy
shadow on the steps whereas Raphael’s usual figures cast more subtle
shadows. There is also an
inconsistency in the way the light falls within the picture as seen by the
cast shadows. For example
Paul’s shadow would indicate that the light is coming into the picture
from the front and, slightly elevated, from the right.
The shadow cast by the child St. John indicates that the light enters
from the right within the picture.
The differences in cast
shadows extend to a difference in adhering shadows.
The female figures and the Christ child are gently shaded and in some
places, such as the bodice of the saint on the right, have virtually no
shadow at all. But the male
saints and John the Baptist are more heavily shadowed.
We seem to be witnessing a change in Raphael’s style, and/or the
presence of more than one hand in the painting of this panel.
In fact, when you study the
infrared reflectogram mosaics in the exhibition, which show the
underdrawings for the figures, you will see a definitive difference in the
way the female saints are drawn and the male saints are drawn. The Met notes this disparity and indicates that the female
figures may have been traced from cartoons and thus had been delegated to an
assistant. Raphael would
probably be horrified that we had found him out.
The predella panels too are
schizophrenic. They change from
the unconvincingly deployed figures in the Procession to Calvary with
their strangely articulated bodies following upon two merry-go-round horses,
to more deeply shadowed figures in the Pietà whose figures barely
cast any shadows, to the deeply shaded figures with heavily cast shadows in
the Agony in the Garden. In
order of execution I would place them in that same sequence.
For all the noted continuity
of the horizon, or of the landscape among the three panels, the countryside
shows decided changes from barren, to sparse with three Perugino-like thin
wispy trees, to abundant with a close-up rocky outcropping, a tree in the
middle distance and two others farther away.
In other words, the landscape moves from simplistic to increasingly
more complex and nuanced. On
the basis of all these differences you cannot help but conclude that we are
watching not just a work in progress but an artist in evolution.
One brief note should be made
of the iconography of the Christ child who, for nearly a century by 1505,
had been shown nude, or nearly nude. It
is frequently said that the theological arguments over the humanity of
Christ dictated the necessity of showing his umbilicus. It must be that the nuns of St. Francis were not concerned
about this aspect of Christian theology.
Instead, the child is dressed in a two-piece, navy and white, belted
outfit with an emblem pointedly displayed on his upper right sleeve.
The museum says that mention has been made that this emblem is “the
scapular of Saint Anthony of Padua”.
However, they do not site the source and say that it has not been
corroborated. Clearly it
carried some importance because the emblem is also visible in the infrared
image of the panel.
There are two more aspects to
this show. In the third room
you will find illustrated documentation pertaining to the ownership of the
various panels in the altarpiece. The
long and winding road that led to their placement in various permanent
collections is of some interest as provenance is important if you need to
establish authenticity.
The last part of the show is
actually just outside the exhibition gallery where, to the left of the
entrance, the curators have displayed several nineteenth-century prints made
after paintings by Raphael. They
attest to his popularity in the nineteenth-century when the Pre-Raphaelites
sought to return art to the era of the High Renaissance master. On the other side of the doorway are engravings made in the
sixteenth century that demonstrate the immediate importance of his work to
artists of his own time and, in some cases, to artists far removed from the
Renaissance, in particular the print of the Judgment of Paris that
inspired Manet’s Déjeuner sur l’herbe.
This is a wonderful, compact,
intense, expansive, little show that will make you examine your idea of what
Raphael did as an artist. We
watch him mature before our own eyes. I
heartily recommend that you see the exhibition and that you savor the
privilege of your intimate study of the only Raphael altarpiece in the
United States.
Be advised that some of the
museum’s directions to the exhibit are confusing. It is located in the temporary exhibition gallery on the
second floor that is off the passageway between the main staircase and the
nineteenth century galleries.
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Art in
New York - Napoleon on the Nile at the Dahesh Museum
One principle of
the discipline of art history, which can sometimes get lost in
the process, is “begin with the image.”
It’s the pictures, the sculptures that have to dictate
where you can go with any thesis or idea.
If instead, you begin with the idea, you risk slipping
out of art history and into some kind of history with
illustrations. That’s
what has taken place at the Dahesh Museum’s wonderful
exhibition called “Napoleon on the Nile.”
Had the title been “French colonial images of Egypt”
or “Early archeological drawings from the Institut Français
d’Archéologie du Caire” we would have been presented with a
show an art historian could love.
But “Napoleon on the Nile” is not that kind of an
exhibition. It’s
a history lesson with pictures, the history of Napoleon’s
invasion of Egypt in 1798 and its aftermath.
On the other hand, this does not pass for orthodox French
historicism written by the winner.
Patronage, in the early nineteenth century, blew with the
winds of change. Some
things begun by one regime were finished by another and as any
lover of early nineteenth-century art history knows, Gros,
David, and Girodet were all artists who came when called by any
and every political power.
They painted for kings and an emperor, the left and the
right. Most of the works on exhibit at the Dahesh are the result, by
definition, of Napoleon’s patronage.
A brilliant manipulator of misinformation, Napoleon could
turn a military defeat into a stupendous intellectual victory
for the archeologists and scholars who were brought into Egypt
on the heels of the army. It’s thanks to them that we have massive illustrated tomes
that detail the temples, the monuments, and paintings as well as
the statues of ancient Egypt.
Long fascinated by ancient Egypt, Napoleon saw the
arrival of his 55,000 troops in Egypt as a moment of liberation.
The French had arrived to liberate the Egyptians from the
slavery, and oppression, of the Mamelukes.
Beyond liberation it was also a crusade against the
Muslims, in modern dress. You may be astonished to learn that Napoleon saw himself as a
liberator, and as the leader of an intellectual assault on a
near-to-unstudied culture.
The British were buying none of it, and the James Gillary
cartoon exhibited here, is merciless in its scathing mockery of
the scientists and “savants”.
But the exhibition gives you plenty of information so you
can come to your own conclusions.
Well-written, clear, and illuminating, the didactic
labels are well placed and easy to read.
They create an historical context into which the viewer
can slot the images and objects included in this small but
intense exhibition. You
will be intrigued by the historical machinations, the role of
the world powers, dare I say, the arrogance of the French, who
came, uninvited, to liberate the Egyptians, and the savvy of the
British who repeatedly out smarted them.
But I predict you will not be awed by the art.
For the most part it’s meant to disseminate the
political message of the French government, then show the
importance of the culture now under Napoleon’s control, the
magnificence of the monuments saved by the fortuitous
intervention of the French, the munificence of the soon-to-be
imperial leader, untouched by the plague despite his direct
encounter with pestilence at Jaffa.
From the perspective of two hundred years, this is in no
way subtle propaganda, and the art it engendered was purposeful
but of less interest for pure aesthetic values.
You’ll learn a lot but I predict there won’t be too
many exclamations over the beauteous imagery.
For more information see the web site for the Dahesh
Museum.
Art in
New York - Veronese at the Frick Collection
Miss Frick doesn’t live here any
more.
The Frick Collection has
awakened. No longer a sleeping dragon,
or the timid giant, it has banished the idea that you’ve been there, done
that. You have not! And you may as well take out a membership
because you’ll be back sooner than you may imagine: think Memling, Goya, and
now Veronese, all within three months.
Awake and alert, you can now see
that the Frick really has it: a non-pareil collection, a really smart
curatorial staff, and clout – everyone wants what they have and could never
before get. Ah, but now they can. Imagine my pleasure when I saw The
Comtesse d’Haussonville at the Grand Palais. Her voyage en France will no doubt encourage some French
Madame to voyage outre-mer.
Speaking of voyages, right now the
Frick’s “Wisdom and Strength” and “Virtue and Vice” have a visitor from uptown
at the Met (you don’t suppose they carried the canvas of “Venus and Mars united
by Love” from 81st to 70th streets?) and two other
relations from LACMA in the City of Angels (Navigation with a Cross-staff
and Navigation with Astrolabe).
The five canvases hang together at
the far end of the mansion, in a room at the end of the atrium-garden. Be prepared to be startled by the effect of
such a display of genius. Veronese does
very well in his own company, something that cannot be said of all
artists. A room full of Renoir, or
Puvis de Chavanne, Bonnard, or Hobbema can, perforce, diminish those artists.
Veronese virtually explodes.
The three mythological and
moralizing paintings are displayed on one wall and the allegories of navigation
are on the opposite side of the room.
The grouping is logical, not only because of the subject matter but
because of the style and the colorism.
In the group of three, the colors are all of the same intensity and
mixed with the same eye towards clarity.
The sumptuousness of the fabrics in all three pictures is emphasized by
the fall of the light on the surfaces nearest to the viewer. The light falls softly on the figures,
coming in from the right in the two right-hand images and from the left in the
painting on the left.
These figures all seem to dance
around one another. They move with a
gentle motion as if choreographed to break up stasis. In all three of these three-figure compositions, the characters
are so involved with one another that nobody notices that we are here. On the left, the two women circle the man;
in the center, the man and the woman are engaged by Amor; and on the right, the
woman remains disengaged while Hercules and Amor look at one another.
These three canvases are also
similar because they are all filled in with landscapes of that indeterminate
season – eternal spring. Furthermore,
the women may well be the same model, or certainly are all of the same type of
blond beauty.
When you visit, take a few minutes
to look at each of the mythological and moralizing pictures. Reading from left to right, in The Choice
between Virtue and Vice, Vice is seated to the left on a marbleized female
figure painted in grisaille, that the Frick calls a sphinx but that’s
probably playing loose with the definition.
Behind Vice’s back we see some cards (Tarot?). Her right hand has sharply filed nails that may have torn the
stocking on the young man’s leg. That
may have gained his attention for a moment, but Virtue, crowned with a laurel
wreath, has clearly won the unending devotion of the young man. With Paganism defeated on the left and
Christian virtue ascendant on the right, “honor and virtue shall flourish after
death” as inscribed on the temple, can be said to be overwhelmingly in the
present.
In the center canvas, Venus and
Mars united by Love, the nude goddess of love “throws” her leg over the
left leg of Mars in a gesture defined by Leo Steinberg, as emblematic of sexual
intimacy. His argument is so
convincingly made that I always marvel at the contemporary continuity of the
gesture. Look for it the next time
you’re on the subway or a bus. But
these mythological creatures will be forever intimate as Amor has literally
tied the knot around those intertwined legs.
To the right, Wisdom and
Strength must be intimately related as well. The female wisdom, endowed with her strength by the divine light
of the Holy Spirit, is in contrast to the Herculean figure who wields his strength
with his club. She is unconcerned with
their physical relationship. Perhaps
this is an admonition to use strength wisely.
The depicted jewels, the kingly crowns, the evidence of nation, wars and
worldly goods, are unimportant compared to divine knowledge. The moral message: Wisdom and love can
triumph over strength and war.
On the opposite side of the room,
are the navigational pictures, which must have been commissioned as a
pair. One looks up, the other looks
down; one is young, the other is older (with salt and pepper hair). Both lack
the brilliant colorism of the pictures on the opposite wall, and both show the
influence of Michelangelo’s nascent serpentine figures on the Sistine
vault. No aspect of the torso can be
presented to the viewer, unimpeded and unobstructed.
These figures do not have landscape
settings but both are placed before an architectural setting. This is the kind of painting that became
very popular for palatial entryways. It
would not be surprising to learn that they were commissioned for his villa by
some Venetian seafaring officer. I hope
that some of the mechanical engineers out there can be convinced to research
the use and importance of the cross-staff and the astrolabe in the first half
of the 1650s when these paintings were probably made. That might help lead us to the patron.
It’s so nice to have this museum
come to life, and the curators and staff should be mightily proud of what they
are doing. Bravissimo! Take advantage of this gift of erudite curation
and get to the Frick, soon. The
Veronese exhibition is up until July 16th.
The Frick Museum
1 East 70 Street
Tuesday – Saturday 10-6 Sunday 11-5
See the Frick web site at www.frick.org
Art in
New York - The Morgan Library, reopened
Don’t walk, run – to the newly opened Morgan Library and
Museum. Oh my goodness!
First of all, there is Renzo
Piano’s wonderful, open, expansive, glass entry. Pei may be more geometric and mural but Piano out-distances him
when it comes to light. The soaring
glass enclosed space, which serves as entry, connective passage and café area,
encourages you to breath deeply and imbibe the heady atmosphere of this
wonderful collection.
Normally, the Morgan has been the
site of temporary exhibitions that augment and are tangential to the collection
of J.P. himself. With the reopening of
the library cum museum, the curators have put on display the most extraordinary
objects in the collection, the likes of which are seldom seen in any
decade. Granted, the Guttenberg Bible,
the Lindau Gospels, and the Stavelot altarpiece were always on display. But for the opening exhibition, they are
joined by other works in enamel and gold, and a room filled with medieval
manuscripts that can make you swoon.
Also on display is a selection of (mostly) old-master drawings that,
under normal circumstances, would constitute an exhibition in and of
themselves. And then, there’s Morgan’s study, which was for years off limits
but for a peek around the corner of the door, or a view from the distance of 5
feet or more. Now, with admission
limited to 15 or 20 people at a time, you can come right up to the Perugino,
almost put your nose on the Desiderio da Settignano, and marvel at the Memlings
(three) for their clarity and perfection.
And upstairs, did we ever go upstairs
before?, there is yet another exhibition room presently showing more modern
manuscripts, those of Charlotte Bronte, Edgar Allen Poe, and the scores of
Beethoven symphonies, a Strauss opera, with Wagner and Mahler thrown in for
good measure along with John Cage and Charles Ives. This is not my usual cup of tea but even I was impressed.
Oh yes, you have got to see this before
they hide those drawings and manuscripts, and put away these original scribbles
and notes.
Don’t walk, run!!
You won’t be sorry.
Morgan Library and Museum, Madison Avenue between 37th
and 38th.
Open Tuesday through Thursday, 10:30 a.m. to 5 p.m.
Friday, 10:30 a.m. to 9 p.m.
Saturday, 10 a.m. to 6 p.m.
Sunday, 11 a.m. to 6 p.m.
Adults $12; Seniors $8
For more information go to www.morganlibrary.org
Art in
New York - Edvard Munch: The Modern Life of the Soul
Remember how
frightened some people were as the year 2000 approached?
Much of that anxiety was focused on computer crashes. But
in 1900, certainly an anxiety-ridden time as well, there were no
computers. Good thing Freud happened upon the scene so we can understand
the painters of the black and troubled thoughts of that era; I
have in mind Kokoshka and Schiele in Vienna, Redon in Paris, and
Edvard Munch in Christiania (now Oslo).
But Freud or no Freud, this was the first generation that
let it all hang out, where the artists felt compelled, and felt
free enough, to paint images of their anxieties.
The Munch
exhibition, which opened on February 18th at MOMA,
reinforces many of the psychological stereotypes of that time.
There are images of the Femme Fatale that show an inherent fear
of women and of the power of sexuality, a picture that shows the
prevalent fear of STD, depictions of illness in its terminal
stages, of melancholia and terror, and a constant reminder of
death. In all of
these pictures, oils as well as prints, Munch is working out his
own fears, he claims, the better to help others with theirs.
Yet his own personal life is not on an upward trajectory
and his relationships with women are unfulfilling and, in one
case, injurious when he shoots himself in the hand during an
argument with a lover.
But, from the
outset, he advanced in his career.
He won a state sponsored scholarship to study in Paris
after which he exhibited fifty paintings in Christiania and then
in Germany, to some notoriety, outrage, and finally, acclaim.
If the Norwegians had trouble understanding him, the
Germans found his art in synch with their native Expressionists.
And then, consumed by alcohol and cigarettes, Munch fell apart
in the winter of 1908. With
no one else to pick up the pieces, he checked himself into a
mental hospital where he received electro-shock therapy, and
came under the care of a psychiatrist who helped him to heal and
to get on with his life.
He still had
thirty-six years of productive life ahead of him.
He could not know that the work he had already done was
the work for which he would be known and that the work after
1909 would be all but ignored by future generations.
Even Grace Glueck, in her review of this comprehensive
retrospective exhibition, ignored the work of the second part of
Munch’s life. A
visit to the sixth floor at MOMA will show you why this
artist’s most financially successful years, after 1909, are
his least artistically successful ones.
However, you must
begin your visit some years before this artistic divide, with
the painting featured at the entrance, The
Dance of Life, 1899-1900. Munch uses unblended local colors and simplified forms to
describe the dancing couples and single isolated figures.
He includes a self-portrait in the center foreground and
it has been suggested that Munch’s dancing partner is his
first sexual partner, a married woman who broke off their
relationship after several months.
The two women, one in black and one in white, who frame
the picture, are portraits of his lover Tulla Larson, whom he
met in 1898 and rejected two years later. So to Munch, the dance
of life is a dance of constantly changing partners. There could be no constancy because Munch understood his fate
to be that of someone condemned to mental illness, which he
believed he had inherited from his father.
Furthermore, his chosen role as artist meant that he had
to give up any semblance of a normal life for the sake of his
art. The artist’s
irrational and erotic sensations are embodied in the Munchian
“moon column” that defines the background of the picture
like an inverted phallic exclamation point.
Far from erotic,
and perhaps even cool, distanced, and removed are two portraits
of his sister Inger painted three years apart.
They hang on either side of the entrance, to your back as
you enter. In
different ways, both minimize the depiction of spatial depth,
minimize costume and minimize a decorative approach to painting.
Munch uses a minimalist approach to description of place
and dress, leaving us to focus on Inger’s face.
Some of the
paintings in this first room show the effect that contemporary
European art had on Munch when he lived in Paris.
You can see Whistler’s Nocturnes, and Caillebotte’s
urban landscapes, along with Post-Impressionism’s brushstrokes
and Toulouse-Lautrec’s subject matter. The Day After (1894-95), with a woman almost
splayed out on an unmade bed, is one such theme from
Toulouse-Lautrec, but painted in Munch’s own broad-brushed
style. The liquor
bottles in the foreground define for us the activity of the
night before.
In the second room
the subject matter is again profound, with a display of ideas
fundamental to Munch as he tackles a life-long theme that he
called the Frieze of Life. Meant to be a “love
series” they show more anxiety than passion or desire.
Unlike the Dance of Life the people are more
isolated and if they look out, they stare at us without seeing.
They can make contact with one another, as in Vampire,
but we are unsure of the purpose of the intimate embrace, or of
the imposed distance, as in Metabolism.
A picture
conceived in an earlier period, which he first painted in 1886,
but repeated five times during his lifetime, is The Sick
Child, a recollection of the death of his sister. The
force of this image lies in the evident resignation to the
inevitable. The
layered sadness extends to the physical appearance of the canvas
where Munch penetrated the top layer of paint with scratches
meant to simulate our vision through tears on our eyelashes. The
artist tried to replicate the viewer’s distorted vision.
The irony is that late in life Munch suffered from vision
problems and painted several pictures through his damaged eye to
record the actual distortions. For Munch, memesis and reality
were only important when they verged on the unreal.
Illness and
resignation are also depicted in the strange picture of illness,
now called Inheritance, but which the artist
called The Syphilitic Child. In this modern reworking of the Madonna and Child, from
1897-99, the deformed child is condemned to death by a sexual
disease. The
transmission of syphilis was blamed on the “New Woman” who,
liberated in her sexuality, now threatens the social order.
Sexually transmitted diseases were definitely a
single-edged female sword at the turn of the century.
The next room is
dedicated to Munch’s graphic work.
Most of his prints relate to his paintings.
The simplicity of form and the northern European heritage
of the wood-block print combine to make his prints particularly
powerful. His inclination towards graphic art made his work accessible
to collectors throughout Europe and enhanced his reputation
before he received accolades for his oils.
The prints in this room also give us our only chance to
visit Munch’s emblematic and most famous work, The Scream.
The exhibition
closes, not with these prints, but with a final room of oil
paintings. This room may startle you into believing that you have left
the Munch show and are now in some other room in the museum.
Who painted these yellow and pink canvases?
Who painted these nude bathers, snowy landscapes, and
Norwegian workers? How can this be the same artist?
In 1907 Munch
moved away from the Symbolist painting of the first twenty years
of his career and adopted the colorism of the French Fauves and
the subject matter of the German Expressionists.
Whereas he had invented a signature style in the 1880s,
he now became an acolyte rather than a pioneer.
His pictures will henceforth be filled with light and
color.
But within a year,
late in 1908, Munch suffers a nervous breakdown and is
hospitalized in Copenhagen for eight months.
When he returns to Norway it is to the remote
countryside, to a life removed from the Bohemian freedoms of the
big city. He sets
out to remake himself in the image of a successful painter.
He will paint pictures that will sell rather than
pictures that will explicate or exorcise his demons.
He wrote that they would be “simple and more faithful
to reality.” Thus
when he paints the so-called Bedroom
Series, usually a
self-portrait with a model, but sometimes just the model and
sometimes just himself, they are not meant as an allegory but as
a real scene, painted in real time.
This show has one of the series that is The Model
with Wicker Chair.
Here the model is at the foreground plane of the picture,
so close to us that we sense that, Alice in Wonderland-like, she
has to bow her head in order to fit into the frame. This is the subject matter of Matisse, complete with an
interesting multi-colored fabric.
Her body is done in unreal colors; the pink is not flesh
pink but flower pink and her body is toned in greens and blues.
Munch still paints using a broad application of paint
that obliterates detail. His
approach to the female nude is still distant and not erotic or
emotional. He may
use Matisse’s subject and his colorism but he just does not
have the sensuous approach to the female body so evident in the
Frenchman’s art.
To
complete your visit to this show, it’s worth taking a look at
Munch’s approach to his own image seen, for example, in Self-portrait
with Cigarette (here 1892, but generally dated to 1895).
This is one of more than seventy self-portraits that he
painted, several of them shown in this latter part of his
oeuvre. A
perceptive art historical study of this particular work first
noted the intensity of the artist’s gaze and the dramatic
force of the theatrical lighting, and then focused on the
cigarette as a far-from-common prop for an artist’s
self-portrait. At
the end of the nineteenth century, the cigarette signals the
Bohemian world of the free thinker, the progressive artist, and
the dissolute world of free love.
The smoker was someone who lived outside the strictures
of Bourgeois society, a true bohemian.
Munch could never
really revel in the loose morality of the bohemian society in
Christiania but to the degree that the writers, painters, and
thinkers in that bohemian group saw themselves as outsiders, as
people apart from the norms of Norwegian society, Munch could
identify with them. Always
apart, somewhat isolated, Munch continued to paint until the end
of his life in 1944. He
was seventy when the Germans removed his “degenerate” art
from their museums in 1933 and he did not live long enough to
see his work reinstalled in a museum in Oslo, dedicated to his
unique oeuvre.
Bottom line: For once, a Munch show that is
not unforgiveingly depressing.
This is an important exhibition, worth seeing if only to clarify the
trajectory of this artist.
Museum of Modern
Art, 6th floor galleries, until May 6, 2006
Art in
New York - Antonello da Messina: Sicily's Renaissance Master
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Connoisseurship is a tough business, but
someone’s got to do it, and who better than a museum curator?
After all, they deal with the real thing on a daily
basis. The
Metropolitan Museum of Art seems to be positioning itself for a
blue ribbon in re-attributions, or at least for aiding and
abetting. This was
notable in the two most recent exhibitions of Italian paintings,
those of Fra Filippo Lippi and Fra Angelico.
Now, in the exhibition of paintings by Antonello da
Messina, we are confronted once again by works newly attributed
to the eponymous artist.
Of course, that makes a first-rate justification for
a loan, or a means to highlight paintings from the hometown
collection. This is true of the jewel of a show that focuses on
the painting of Antonello da Messina, a talented artist of
original insight and little documentation.
It is precisely that lack of consistent documentation
that makes Antonello a gold mine for connoisseurs.
A close study of his art clearly indicates the many
influences combined within his style.
There is the Netherlandish northern painting of van Eyck
and Petrus Christus, the Provençal southern French painting of
Enguerrand Quarton and Barthelémy d’Eyck and the Italian
painting of Fra Angelico, Piero, Bellini, and Mantegna.
How could he have assimilated all those influences?
Where did he go and when did he go there?
We have hard evidence of only two trips, to Naples and
Venice, and that makes Antonello all the more intriguing.
The curators mean only to dip their collective toes into
the waters here. They modestly set out only to show his assimilation of
Netherlandish and Provençal painting, and get halfway there.
We don’t have any Provençal examples in the show, but
the comparisons set up with the paintings of Petrus Christus are
convincing indeed.
The Eyckian, bust length, nearly frontal
portrait against an unlit dark ground, often behind a parapet
and often including the hands, is used by Antonello to great
effect. The two
male portraits (cat #3; #5) are a case in point.
The sitter’s face is at the picture plane and despite
the turn of his head, he gazes directly at the viewer.
We are mesmerized into staring right back.
The history of portraiture in the Renaissance has
shown that portraits were frequently done as momento mori,
if not in contemplation of death then with an awareness that
death might soon remove us from one another.
A direct gaze could maintain the living link between the
viewer and the sitter and a smile can even make us feel
welcomed. Antonello
very skillfully makes us take the hook even some five hundred
years later. The Met’s portrait of a man is less convincingly
conceived than the bust of the man now in the collection in
Cefalù. The New
York portrait may smile but his facial muscles do not react to
the upward movement of the mouth as they do in the Sicilian
example. How
fortunate we are to get to know this gentleman from Cefalù.
We also have a chance to be in the presence of one of
the most humanly divine representations of the Virgin Mary,
Antonello’s renowned painting from Messina.
This portrait-like image of the Virgin is not shown in
intimate connection with the viewer.
In fact, Mary does not look at the viewer but looks down
and away from us. Her
lectern also forms an effective barrier between us.
We do not connect because something more important has
happened. An angel,
we all know the story, has arrived with the news of the
Incarnation. The
movement of the pages of her prayer book shows us where we can
find the angel. It’s
an old pictorial ploy used by Netherlandish painters to indicate
the rapid descent of Gabriel when he appears to Mary. It may be possible, as the Met argues, that the angel was
never part of the image. Certainly
his presence is implied and, unlike the male portraits, our
presence is superfluous.
Aside from stylistic curiosities, the curators seem
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